For decades, the gender gap in American religiosity ran in one predictable direction: women were more religious than men, across virtually every measure — attendance, affiliation, personal importance of faith. That gap was so stable it became a background assumption in sociology of religion. Then, somewhere between 2022 and 2025, young men broke from the script entirely.
New data from Gallup’s long-running religion tracking surveys shows that 42% of men aged 18 to 29 now say religion is “very important” in their lives — up sharply from 28% just two years earlier. Among young women the same age, that number has held steady at about 30%. For the first time since Gallup began tracking these trends at the turn of the millennium, young men have overtaken young women on this core measure of religiosity. The gap that once defined American faith demographics has not just narrowed — it has flipped.
14 Points in Two Years
The scale of the shift is what makes it hard to dismiss as noise. A 14-point jump in two years, returning young men to levels last seen in 2000–2001, is a meaningful movement in survey data. Church attendance tells a parallel story: 40% of young men now report attending services monthly or more frequently, the highest level recorded since 2012–2013 and up seven points from 2022–2023. Young women’s attendance ticked up three points in the same period, to 39% — but that number remains far below where it was in the early 2000s.
What makes this reversal especially striking is its specificity. Among adults 30 and older, women still outpace men in religiosity across every measure, as they have for generations. The inversion is isolated entirely to the 18–29 cohort — and it’s happening while nearly every other demographic is trending in the opposite direction. Older men, older women, and young women are all at or near their historic lows on religious engagement. Young men are the sole exception.
Republicans, Not Just Men

Gallup dug into the political breakdown, and the data adds a layer of complexity that complicates any simple “men are finding God” narrative. The increase in religious attendance is concentrated most heavily among young Republican men — and young Republican women, who saw an eight-point jump in attendance over the same period. Young Democratic men showed only a three-point increase. Young Democratic women showed almost no change at all.
This partisan dimension matters for interpretation. Nearly half of young men (48%) identify as or lean Republican, compared to 41% who lean Democratic. Among young women the party skew runs the other direction — 60% lean Democratic, 27% Republican. Given those proportions, the surge among young Republicans has a much larger effect on the overall young men trend than a similar surge among young Republican women has on the overall young women number. The story isn’t simply “young men are turning religious” — it’s closer to “young Republican men are turning religious, and there are enough of them to move the overall line.”
What They’re Actually Looking For
The harder question is what’s driving the change, and here the data hands off to interpretation. Researchers and clergy who spoke with outlets covering the Gallup findings offer a consistent cluster of explanations, none of which require accepting any particular religious viewpoint.
One thread is belonging and structure. Father Timothy Tarnacki, director of young adult ministry for the Archdiocese of Philadelphia, told America Magazine that for many young men arriving at parishes, “it starts with some kind of a hunger for belonging and for community.” A separate thread is identity and purpose — young men “seeking the answer to the question, ‘Who am I?'” and finding that secular culture isn’t providing a satisfying one. A third thread is the documented overlap between the broader cultural moment around young men — the loneliness data, the labor force retreat, the absence of institutional structures — and the appeal of an institution that offers clear roles, community, and meaning.
What the Gallup data measures is religiosity — attendance, affiliation, importance — not motivation. It can tell us that more young men are going to church. It cannot tell us whether they’re going because of genuine theological conviction, social hunger, political identity, or some mixture of all three. That interpretive gap is where most of the public debate about this finding currently lives.
The Complicating Report
The picture is not universally agreed upon. The Public Religion Research Institute released its own data the same week as Gallup, and the Deseret News found the two reports sent genuinely different signals — PRRI found no evidence of a broad religious resurgence, while Gallup’s numbers pointed clearly upward for young men. Researchers noted that the two organizations measure religiosity somewhat differently, and that sample construction and question wording affect results. Whether this is a durable trend or a two-year spike that reflects temporary political and cultural conditions remains, as Gallup itself noted, an open question.
A Gender Story Running Both Directions

What’s perhaps most sociologically interesting about this data is that it represents a divergence, not just a revival. Young men’s religiosity is rising. Young women’s is declining, or at best flat, while every other age group retreats. The gender gap in American religion isn’t closing — it’s reversing direction and changing shape entirely. Women ages 18–29 are now by far the least religious women of any age cohort, trailing the next group by 18 points. Young men are now more on par with men in their 30s and 40s than young women are with women of comparable older ages.
Whatever is pulling young men toward religion, something different appears to be pulling young women away from it — or at least keeping them from following a path prior generations of women traveled. Those two movements together are reshaping the demographic baseline of American faith in ways that will take years to fully map.